Sunday, October 7, 2012

Gyaru: Popular Culture, Globalization and the Reflection of a Trend


Here is the paper that I have to submit tonight. I made the references really small so that the rest is more comfortable to read. The reference list is at the end for anyone interested. 

The Japanese Gyaru:
Popular Culture, Globalization and the Reflection of a Trend

            Introduction
In recent years, it has been noted that Japanese popular culture has become very influencing worldwide. This is not only a consequence of MOFA’s Cool Japan campaign, but the result of sincere audience choices, audiences which come into contact with Japanese popular culture through the new media, ICT and by direct interaction (with travel being easily accessible).
This paper examines how globalization made fashion trends in different parts of the world become aware of and feed off each other. First, a local adaptation of US fashion styles created a Japanese young fashion. Secondly, this trend became visible to Westerners who aspired to follow the Japanese adaptation. Finally, this Western interest reflected for a third time, now back to Japan, where increased Western acceptance gave this trend added value and new media attention.

Popular Culture, Subculture or Pop Subculture?
What does the term Popular Culture mean? Storey (1996) identifies various definitions of popular culture (but suggests that none of these definitions are unproblematic): Popular culture is favoured by many people; culture that is left over after we decide what is high culture; mass produced for mass consumption; originating from the people; or a place of struggle between the dominant and the subordinate groups of society.
 A subculture then, is an act of “resistance against the dominant culture”. Subcultures mostly identify with youth cultures, but when does a subculture become pop culture? It is difficult to define the point when a subculture becomes popular and separate the two: “rap music in the United States, where, with the incorporation of youth culture into popular culture, the concept of subculture becomes difficult to delineate” because “(sub)cultural practices are co-opted and commodified by larger socioeconomic processes” (Marcelin, 2006).
In that sense, the term popular culture is accepted as an adequate term to include the contemporary Gyaru fashion and lifestyle pop (sub) cultures, since this trend cannot be included in high culture, is originating from the working class and exists in a contested place of struggle between the dominant and subordinate groups of Japanese society.

Globalization and Transnational Japanese Popular Culture
When looking at popular culture today, it is rather impossible to avoid considering the theoretical perspectives of globalization and transnationalism. Globalization was originally considered as emanating from the West (Giddens,1990; Axford; 1995; Spybey,1996 cited in Allen& Sakamoto, 2006) but media globalization also facilitates ‘the de-centering of capitalism from the West’ (Tomlinson, 1997 cited in Iwabuchi, 2002). Empowered by globalization processes, transnationalism makes people, ideas and commodities cross national boundaries and become unidentified with a single place of origin (Watson, 1997 cited in Iwabuchi, 2002).
This re-centered globalization process of the 21st century brings Japanese cultural exports such as manga and anime into the Western markets, thus making Japan a “visual superpower” (Norris, 2009 cited in Sugimoto, 2009), bringing forth a “Japanization” of the West (Iwabuchi, 2002). This includes the case of young women’s imaginative fashion styles in Japan. Already popular in Asia (Ibid), Japanese fashion has now expanded its popularity into the western youth. An earlier example is the Harajuku fashion (named after a Tokyo district which has countless clothing stores) which quickly drew western attention, books’ publications (“Fruits”), countless blogs and a popular American singer (Gwen Stefani) naming a song, a perfume line and her style after visiting this Tokyo neighbourhood.
The notion of transculturation can furthermore explain the evolution and spread of the Gyaru fashion. Transculturation is the process where the encounter and creative misuse of various cultures results in the transformation of an existing cultural commodity and the creation of a new style (Pratt, 1992 cited in Iwabuchi, 2002), hybridization (Piaterse, 2004; Thomlinson,1999 cited in Allen& Sakamoto, 2006) or stateless globalism aesthetic through stylistic sampling (Miller, 2004).

The Gyaru Fashion
A striking example of Japanese popular fashion is the Gal or Gyaru (girl) or Kogal (small girl) trend which is not simply a fashion trend but a “social type” (Suzuki& Best, 2003) with its own slang (Marx, 2012; Miller, 2004), away from the traditional Japanese feminine ideals of whiteness (Ashikari, 2005) and cuteness (McVeigh, 2000) which resulted in much controversy around the style.
There are numerous subcategories within the Gyaru term, each with particular characteristics: the ane-gal (older gal), the mama gal, the b-gal (“black” i.e. rap culture girl), the ganguro (to an Afrikan shade tanned gal), the bihaku-gal (white-skinned gal), the yamamba (mountain witch- with “negative makeup” i.e. black face, white features and silver hair), the Gyaru-o (man gyaru) and so on (Watrous, 2000 et al cited in Suzuki&Best, 2003; Marx, 2012).
Emerging in the 1980s (Marx, 2012) the Gyaru look was originally characterized by appropriation, domestication and indigenization (Iwabuchi, 2002) of various American looks discovered on TV, such as the California girl or the hip-hop look (Marx, 2012; Miller, 2004) but it finally evolved to represent a unique image of Japanese cultural identity, something that was “not seen before” (Miller, 2004), in the extreme faces of the ganguro and yamamba categories. No one might have noticed, but Japan found “its own domestic, non-designer fashion” (Marx, 2012). Invented by teens, Gyaru fashion “emphasizes fakeness and kitsch (…) appropriation of the elegant and the awful” but it is also egalitarian because girls from any economic background can acquire the look (Miller, 2004).
Because of their popularity and controversy, the Gyaru occupied a big share of media interest (Ibid; Marx, 2012) and became advertising targets, “in hopes of sparking national and even international crazes" (Watanabe 1997 cited in Suzuki&Best, 2003). Breaking into the mainstream in the 1990s, a large number of magazines in Japan address the Gyaru tastes and large shopping districts -such as Shibuya (Marx,2012; Suziki&Best, 2003) and Ikebukuro, with Shibuya’s “109” stores being the most popular - cater to their lifestyle.

The Western Gyaru Reception
Westerners who visit Japan or young people following fashion blogs are often excited with the Gyaru trend. It is indeed a brand new appearance that was never seen before and has now succeeded in being a unique part of Japanese popular culture that appeals to the West. It is worth mentioning that not only the moderate Kogal style (with medium tan and makeup) has made an impact on western youth, but the shocking Yamamba and Ganguro styles as well. Some informed western followers acknowledge the paradox of the situation and admit being “Western girls trying to be Japanese girls, trying to be Western(Robinson, 2009).
There is a big number of Western gyaru blogs who imitate the fashion and demonstrate their own versions of it. A simple Google search on “gyaru blogs” will bring up examples of non- Japanese gyaru bloggers such as http://everyday-gyaru.livejournal.com/ and http://bloggers.com/tag/gyaru. Online communities such as YouTube popularize Japanese gyaru fashion brands and cosmetics. Even western traditional media have featured cosmetics that are sold in gyaru stores such as “109” (see Panych, 2012 in Allure magazine). Kirin (2009) mentions women visiting Tokyo just to shop at “109” (spending amounts like 1800€), Japanese culture events in Barcelona that attract 60.000 people and even foreign gyaruo (men gyaru).

Back to Japan
Japanese bloggers and media, on their turn, became aware of the western gyaru appeal. For example, a show broadcasted by NHK (national television channel) in Japan featured western gyaru that were mentored by their favourite Japanese gyaru model, Aina Tanaka (Kirin, 2009).
Unlike other Japanese popular cultures (i.e. anime, J-pop) which were also regarded as social evils but were later re-evaluated and promoted as cultural exports (Linhart, 2009 cited in Sugimoto, 2009), the western popularity of the gyaru culture-  facilitated by globalization- was an authentic proof that the real cool Japan did not need to be promoted by MOFA’s ‘Cool Japan’ soft power foreign policy campaign in order to captivate the West. But indeed, responding to the western popularity, the Japanese government has “approved plans to recreate fashionable districts of Tokyo in foreign cities and it hopes to export four trillion yen worth of "Cool Japan" fashion by 2020” ( Oi, 2012).

Conclusion
This paper demonstrated how the processes of globalization made a (once controversial) Japanese fashion that was an adaptation of western images, take part in a global reflection process where the Japanese appropriation of the look became popular in the West and finally was received with renewed value (because of its western popularity) in Japan, with plans to be included in MOFA’s ‘Cool Japan’ future foreign policy campaign.

References
  • Allen M.& Sakamoto R., eds.: Popular Culture, Globalization and Japan. London: Routledge
  • Ashikari, Mikiko (2005) “Cultivating Japanese Whiteness: The “Whitening” Cosmetics Boom & the Japanese Identity”. Journal of Material Culture, 10:73.
  • Iwabuchi, Koichi (2002) Recentering Globalization: Popular Culture and Japanese Transnationalism. London: Duke University Press
  • Kirin (2009) “Gaijin Gyaru” Tokyokawaiietc (accessed September 6, 2012) http://tokyokawaiietc.com/archives/3218
  • Marcelin, Louis Herns (2006) “Subcultures” in Birx, J.H. Encyclopedia of Anthropology. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. http://knowledge.sagepub.com/view/anthropology/n840.xml?rskey=a3K37w&row=2 (accessed online September 3, 2012)
  • Marx, David W. (2012) “The History of the Gyaru” parts 1-4 http://neojaponisme.com/2012/02/28/the-history-of-the-gyaru-part-one/ (accessed October 4, 2012).
  • McVeigh, Brian J. (2000) Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling and Self- Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg.
  • Miller, Laura (2004) “Those Naughty Teenage Girls: Japanese Kogals, Slang, and Media Assessments”. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 14:2,225–247.
  • Oi, Mariko (2012) “Japan Harnesses Fashion Power of Gals”. Tokyo: BBC News http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-19332694 (accessed September 6, 2012)
  • Panych, Sophia (2012) “Foreign Exchange” in Allure, 5: 73.
  • Robinson, Nina (2009) “Japan’s Fashion Rebellion Goes West”. London: BBC World Service. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8132726.stm
(accessed October 5, 2012).
  • Storey, John (1996) “What is Popular Culture?” in Storey, J., ed.: An Introduction to Cultural Theory and Popular Culture. Prentice Hall: London
  • Sugimoto, Yoshio, ed. (2009) The Cambridge Companion to Modern Japanese Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Suzuki, Tadashi& Best, Joel (2003) “Emergence of Trendsetters for Fashions and Fads: Kogaru in 1990s Japan”, Sociological Quarterly, 44:1, 61-79.

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